The History Reader https://www.thehistoryreader.com/ A History Blog from St. Martin’s Press Fri, 16 Jan 2026 17:36:34 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.9 https://www.thehistoryreader.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/favicon.png The History Reader https://www.thehistoryreader.com/ 32 32 The Landmarks of Mary Ann Patten’s Maine https://www.thehistoryreader.com/historical-figures/the-landmarks-of-mary-ann-pattens-maine/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=the-landmarks-of-mary-ann-pattens-maine Fri, 16 Jan 2026 16:43:24 +0000 https://www.thehistoryreader.com/?p=11075 by Tilar J. Mazzeo New York Times bestselling author Tilar J. Mazzeo gives a behind-the-scenes look at Rockland, Maine, the home of Mary Ann Patten and Joshua Patten. Her book, The Sea Captain’s Wife, tells the true story of Mary Ann, the first female captain of a merchant ship, and her treacherous navigation of Antarctica’s […]

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by Tilar J. Mazzeo

New York Times bestselling author Tilar J. Mazzeo gives a behind-the-scenes look at Rockland, Maine, the home of Mary Ann Patten and Joshua Patten. Her book, The Sea Captain’s Wife, tells the true story of Mary Ann, the first female captain of a merchant ship, and her treacherous navigation of Antarctica’s deadly waters.


When I was writing The Sea Captain’s Wife, I was interested to see in person some of the places in Maine that were important in her life and to her story, because, as a writer, following in the footsteps of the people about whom I’m writing is part of the process of seeing the world through their eyes and bringing them to life for readers. For me, following in Mary Ann and Joshua’s footsteps was a particularly interesting because, as I mention in the epilogue to the book, I also happened to grow up and have deep roots in the same small fishing village where Joshua Patten came from in midcoast Maine. I spent the first five years of my life, in fact, in Owls Head, near the Muscle Ridge Islands and the Weskeag River, where Joshua and Mary Ann dreamed of building a farm someday.

The Weskeag River is one of my favorite places, because it’s the kind of tiny village where you feel that you’ve stepped back in time. So much of Maine is touristed that, as a local, you tend to cherish those places where no one really has any reason to visit. Where exactly Joshua’s lot of land was is hard to figure out from the road, because much of that land has still never been developed and is deep woods, but in this photo you can get a glimpse of the river. This is where Joshua and Mary Ann dreamed of building a farm one day. 

The Weskeag River
The Weskeag River where Mary Ann and Joshua dreamed of building a farm. Photo courtesy of Tilar J. Mazzeo, 2025.

This view is taken with your back to the sea, and if you turn and look the other direction you see the little village, with its reversing tidal falls, and then the river stretches out to sea for a bit as it bends and turns. Beyond the mouth of the river are the Muscle Ridge Islands, where Joshua’s family land was and where his brother, Uriah, owned property in the 1850s. 

Maine coastline by air
Overview of Maine’s coast by air. Courtesy of Tilar J. Mazzeo, 2025.

The best way to get a sense of the geography is from the air, and this is a photograph recently taken on a flight from Owls Head down to Boston, which, if you’re a first time visitor to Maine, is one of the most lovely ways to see the coast and sure beats sitting in summer traffic on Route 1.

How about where Mary Ann and Joshua lived in Rockland, while they were saving up a “competence” to build their farm? They owned a small house on South Main Street in Rockland, and I was also able from the old deed records to find the plot of land on the title register. In this photo, you can see the lot: it’s where the Maritime Energy gas station is on the left in this photo.

The plot of land on South Main Street in Rockland, ME, that the Pattens owned. Photo courtesy of Tilar J. Mazzeo, 2025.
The plot of land on South Main Street in Rockland, ME, that the Pattens owned. Photo courtesy of Tilar J. Mazzeo, 2025.

However, over the centuries that plot of land has been chopped up and divided, and while the deed today is connected to the gas station property, I actually think it’s very likely that the Patten house did survive and is that little gray house you can see behind the gas station in this picture. That house, today 10 Crescent Street in Rockland, was built in 1851, making the timing right. I think it’s probably pretty unlikely that back in the 1850s they would have built another house so close by, though I guess that’s not impossible. But more likely, the gas station lot was once the front garden of the Patten family home and the little gray house was their first residence. Straight ahead of you in this photo, not too much further down that little street that runs in front of the gray house, is Rockland Harbor and the sea.

One of the other places that it took some detective work to find was the location of the Poor Farm in Rockland, where their son Joshua Jr. was an inmate. When I was five, we moved from Owls Head to an old 1790s farmhouse just beyond the north end of Chickawaukie Lake. The Mill Stream drains out of the southern end of Chickawaukie, so we knew that area well as children because it wasn’t far from the public beach. 

Chickawaukie was also the site in the nineteenth-century of ice houses and an ice harvest, so, when Mary Ann Patten was offered ice from Rockland in her drinks on their voyage home from Panama, it’s pretty likely that the ice came from this same location. The Rockland Historical Society has an old photograph of that ice harvesting on Chickawaukie, in fact, from the 1890s, the period when Joshua Jr. was living nearby. 

Chickawaukie Lake ice harvesting in the 19th century
Ice harvesting on Chickawaukie Lake. Credit: Rockland Historical Society archives.

From Chickawaukie, if you follow the stream back into the Highlands (which are to the left and behind you in this photo), it’s easy to lose your orientation pretty quickly because even the course of stream has changed over the centuries. 

The Poor Farm today is just a wooded lot, kind of down in a gulley when the stream runs through the woods and through some culverts. My mother says that when she was growing up in Rockland, most working people lived in fear of the Poor Farm, and if you were naughty someone might threaten to send you there. There used to be a dam and a mill pond just down the way from the Poor Farm, but that’s gone now too, and what used to be farmland now is forest so it can be quite disorienting. 

Luckily, there is a postcard from the nineteenth century that shows the old Mill and the bridge, as Joshua Jr. would have known it though. This is the site of where he drowned that day and where the Patten family story ended.

Postcard of Old Mill and the bridge where Joshua Jr. drowned.
Old Mill and Bridge. Courtesy of University of Maine.

Author Tilar J. Mazzeo
Photo credit: Janis Jean

DR. TILAR J. MAZZEO is the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and San Francisco Chronicle bestselling author of numerous award-winning works of narrative nonfiction, including history and biography titles. Formerly the Clara C. Piper Associate Professor of English at Colby College and Professeur Associée in the Department of World Literatures at the University of Montreal, Dr. Mazzeo left the academy in 2019 to focus full-time on writing. A fifth-generation sailor and tenth-generation Mainer (where the Patten story begins), she lives today on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, where, with her husband, she captains a Vancouver 42 offshore sailboat.

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Dolly Parton Knows Who She Is https://www.thehistoryreader.com/cultural-history/dolly-parton-knows-who-she-is/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=dolly-parton-knows-who-she-is Fri, 16 Jan 2026 12:37:32 +0000 https://www.thehistoryreader.com/?p=11085 by Martha Ackmann Lifelong fan Martha Ackmann shares with The History Reader why she felt drawn to write her new book, Ain’t Nobody’s Fool, about music legend Dolly Parton. I have loved Dolly Parton’s music for as long as I can remember. I’m attracted to the story-telling of her songs and what she calls the […]

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by Martha Ackmann

Lifelong fan Martha Ackmann shares with The History Reader why she felt drawn to write her new book, Ain’t Nobody’s Fool, about music legend Dolly Parton.


I have loved Dolly Parton’s music for as long as I can remember. I’m attracted to the story-telling of her songs and what she calls the “lonesome chord” – that faraway, melancholy, haunting sound of her bluegrass music. I remember first seeing Dolly Parton on my grandparents’ black-and-white television in St. Louis. She was in her early twenties and the new “girl singer” on The Porter Wagoner Show. Something about her puzzled me. The big hair and curvy figure appeared at odds – it seemed to me – with who she might really be. My new biography, Ain’t Nobody’s Fool: The Life and Times of Dolly Parton, unravels what interested me in Dolly Parton all those years ago and what interests me still.

Dolly Parton and Porter Wagoner, 1969. Courtesy of Wikipedia. © Moeller Talent, Inc.

As I began researching Dolly Parton’s life – scouring archives, talking with music historians, interviewing Dolly’s friends, family, schoolmates, teachers, musicians, producers, even her first boyfriend – I discovered there was more to Dolly than meets the eye. The young woman who patiently stood behind Porter Wagoner with her hands folded was ablaze with ambition, composing songs at a feverish pace, and eager to step out from the shadows and strike out on her own. Seven years later when she eventually walked away from the popular show for a solo career, she did so with confidence. It wasn’t confidence based what she would do next but how far she knew she would go. Then there was Dolly’s decision to record pop music and appeal to audiences beyond country fans.  Nashville music executives thought she had lost her mind.  “I’m not leaving country,” she told them. “I’m taking country with me.” The genre exploded with new listeners.

The head scratching about Dolly continued when she moved from music to motion pictures, then to business with the opening of her theme park in the foothills of the Smoky Mountains. Within a few years, Dollywood became nothing less than the economic engine of East Tennessee. As her wealth grew, Dolly took another unprecedented step. Instead of keeping money for herself and becoming a billionaire, she gave her fortune away. She funded research for the COVID Moderna vaccine, assisted in flood and hurricane relief across the Smokies, established health clinics, and created the Imagination Library, giving over 300 million free books to children all over the world.  “All my life,” Dolly once said, “there has been this strange thing within me that said, “Do this and that.” She knew when to walk into a room and when to leave. She knew where she was wanted and where she was not.

Dolly describes her image – the towering hair, the cinched waist, the layers of make-up – as her “get up” and admits that she looks like a cartoon of a woman. But Dolly Parton always has known who she is.  The dichotomy of looking one way and being another is a strategy. It gives her something to work against, she says. She grabs people’s attention with her look and then bowls them over with how smart, creative, serious, and talented she is. Her look is a country girl’s idea of glam, she likes to say. But for Dolly – one critic noted – it is also her superpower.

Photo credit: Kevin Grady/Harvard Radcliffe Institute

Martha Ackmann is a journalist and author who writes about women who have changed America. Her essays have appeared in The Atlantic, the Paris ReviewThe New York Times, and The Washington Post. She also is a frequent commentator for New England Public Radio, and has been featured on CNN, National Public Radio, and the BBC. Martha is the recipient of fellowships from the John Simon Guggenheim Foundation and the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study at Harvard University. Her books include: The Mercury 13: The True Story of Thirteen Women and the Dream of Space Flight; Curveball: The Remarkable Story of Toni Stone, the First Woman to Play Professional Baseball in the Negro League; and These Fevered Days: Ten Pivotal Moments in the Making of Emily Dickinson.

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Featured Excerpt: Tom Paine’s War https://www.thehistoryreader.com/historical-figures/featured-excerpt-tom-paines-war/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=featured-excerpt-tom-paines-war Tue, 06 Jan 2026 08:00:56 +0000 https://www.thehistoryreader.com/?p=11046 by Jack Kelly In 1776, Tom Paine’s words—and the determination of American patriots—allowed our nation to survive its first crisis. A tribute to the Revolution’s 250th anniversary, Tom Paine’s War is a riveting exploration of our nation’s birth. It reveals how the power of words—and the power of belief—both speak as well to America’s current crisis. Read […]

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by Jack Kelly

In 1776, Tom Paine’s words—and the determination of American patriots—allowed our nation to survive its first crisis. A tribute to the Revolution’s 250th anniversary, Tom Paine’s War is a riveting exploration of our nation’s birth. It reveals how the power of words—and the power of belief—both speak as well to America’s current crisis. Read on for a featured excerpt!


Prologue

Although summer’s days were numbered, on September 15, 1776, a dirty, unwelcome heat still blanketed the region around New York City. Men sweated in their wool uniform coats; women, in their stays and gowns.

Americans were in their second year of war. The conflict that had begun accidentally at Lexington, Massachusetts, in April 1775 had initially seemed to many a continuation of the disturbances that had roiled the colonies for a decade. Americans had endured the Stamp Act riots, the slaying of five Boston patriots by regular troops, the dumping of the tea, the boycotts and the debates.

With the bloody battle at Bunker Hill, the patriots’ ultimately futile invasion of Canada, and George Washington’s successful effort to drive the British army out of Boston in March 1776, the war had taken on a more serious aspect. But most citizens still felt that it would ultimately be settled by reconciliation with the mother country.

Then came Common Sense. In January 1776, the pamphlet became the fastest-selling publication ever distributed in the colonies. It did not mince words or argue for compromise. It stated flat out that monarchy, the dominant form of European government for centuries, was an artifice by which a small group of dishonest men gained ascendency over the majority. The king was a fraud. The tradition of hereditary aristocracy was a device that robbed common people of the fruits of their labor and of their rightful inheritance. The goal of Americans should not be to find accommodation with Britain, the author insisted, but to permanently break all bonds and declare themselves free and independent states. The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, ’Tis time to part.

Painting of Thomas Paine by Laurent Dabos. National Portrait Gallery (London). Public domain.
Painting of Thomas Paine by Laurent Dabos. National Portrait Gallery (London). Public domain.

Thomas Paine, the author of this remarkable document, had spent most of his life in England. Yet since having crossed the Atlantic two years earlier, he had embraced the American cause wholeheartedly and had shaped in prose the thoughts and aspirations of many ordinary citizens. His words electrified the colonies. George Washington, who was struggling to shape diverse militia units into a new Continental Army, praised “the sound doctrine and unanswerable reasoning contained in the pamphlet Common Sense.” He hoped the argument would push the timid delegates in Congress to declare the colonies independent.

It did. The essay was circulated as a pamphlet and copied in the newspapers of every city. It was discussed over farm fences, debated in taprooms, and argued about in colonial legislatures. Barely five months later, Congress took the momentous step of declaring the colonies independent. A government of our own is our natural right, Paine had written. On July 4, 1776, the delegates asserted that American colonies were now “Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown.”

The reaction of the British government was to attempt to bring the colonies back into the empire by force. The king ordered two armies to descend on America. Ten thousand professional fighters would occupy Canada and invade the rebellious territory from the north. Forty thousand more would sail directly to New York. The troops would include thousands of hired soldiers from Britain’s allies among the German principalities.

Now the war had taken on a new meaning. Now it was no longer a dispute over taxation or representation or the duty owed to a monarch. If Americans won their freedom, it would mark a new epoch in the world. And now New York was at the war’s epicenter.

Part One

September 15–September 16, 1776

Chapter 1

By September 1776, Thomas Paine had done more than any other individual to convince Americans to break their ties with England and to declare themselves independent. He well understood that dispensing with the centuries-long tradition of monarchical rule was a dangerous and daunting endeavor. But even he did not fully grasp the sacrifice that would be required or the depth of the crisis that now loomed over his adopted homeland.

One who had heeded his words was a young Connecticut lad named Joseph Martin. He may have read Paine’s delicious phrases in a pamphlet, or he may have heard them repeated in the town square. We have it in our power to begin the world over again. Yes! It was the shining hope of the young. Remake the world. The words had stirred Martin, sounding a chord in his heart like an organ in church.

So, on a hot July 6 in the year 1776, four months shy of turning sixteen, Joseph had said to a young friend, “If you enlist I will.” To himself he whispered, “I may as well go through with the business now as not.” Independence in the air, he went through with it. He signed up for six months to “try out sogerin’.” He had become a musketman with Peck’s Third Company of Douglas’s Fifth Battalion of Wadsworth’s brigade of Connecticut new levy militia. He had joined a revolution.

When he had first put on the uniform, Martin had felt his soul expanding. He sensed his frail body growing larger, tougher. As he marched in step with his fellow soldiers, he gloried in a greater sense of life. He and the men of his regiment were a muscular creature, more powerful, more forceful, far grander than any individual man. He was part of an army.

New York City and surrounding area map from Tom Paine's War.
A map of New York City and its surrounding area from Tom Paine’s War.

His regiment had ridden a sloop down Long Island Sound through Hell Gate and along the dirty river to the wharf at New York City. At the time, the entire city extended barely more than a mile north of its southern tip at the Battery. Martin and his fellows had paraded proudly on Broad Street. They had joined the mass of armed men commanded by George Washington, men who would fend off the onslaught of the king’s forces.

***

That was then. Now, in mid-September, the sluggish Sunday morning found Martin and his regiment stretched out along Kip’s Bay, a cove two and a half miles north of New York City.

Now he lay in a ditch behind heaped dirt along the bank of the East River. He had been on duty all night, his eyes peering into blackness till they ached. He had watched the starlight flash on the black water. Now the heavy air and an empty fatigue pressed against him. The smell made him think of a freshly dug grave. He wiped his mouth with his sleeve, swatted at the age-old insects pestering his face.

He allowed a deep pity for himself to suffuse his breast. He was hungry and morning had brought no food. The predictable rhythms of his childhood had gone awry. He had to go where he was ordered, but he sensed that the officers did not know what they were doing. They were pulling strings to make him jerk this way and that.

The unseasonable heat made it hard to concentrate. At dawn, four British warships had heaved into sight. They stopped directly opposite the American troops. Their clanking anchors dropped with mighty splashes. The chains rattled out. The rising sun became tangled in their rigging.

Martin and his fellows stared at these looming vessels. They were close enough to let the recruits exchange banter with the tars, who were busy attaching spring lines to the cables so that they could revolve the ships with capstans and point their gaping cannon at the shore. Close enough for the Americans to read Phoenix on the stern of the largest. Blessed Jesus, forty-four guns on two decks run out for action.

Tom Paine’s War copyright © 2026 by Jack Kelly. All rights reserved.


Author Jack Kelly
Photo credit: Jeff Brouws

JACK KELLY is an award-winning author and historian. His books include Band of Giants, which received the DAR History Medal, and God Save Benedict Arnold, a Finalist for the New England Book Awards. He has published five novels, and is a New York Foundation for the Arts fellow in Nonfiction Literature. Kelly has appeared on The History Channel, National Public Radio, and C-Span. He lives in New York’s Hudson Valley.

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Three New History Books to Read This January https://www.thehistoryreader.com/us-history/new-books-to-read-january-2026/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=new-books-to-read-january-2026 Thu, 01 Jan 2026 12:56:07 +0000 https://www.thehistoryreader.com/?p=11049 With a new year comes a new set of history books publishing this month. Whether you’ve decided to read 12 history books this year or make a stretch goal of reading 40 of them, we’ve got you covered. Below are three new history books we’re excited to see this January from Jack Kelly, Susan Wise […]

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January 2026 Upcoming History Books

With a new year comes a new set of history books publishing this month. Whether you’ve decided to read 12 history books this year or make a stretch goal of reading 40 of them, we’ve got you covered. Below are three new history books we’re excited to see this January from Jack Kelly, Susan Wise Bauer, and Jane Ziegelman.


Tom Paine's War by Jack Kelly

Two hundred and fifty years ago, the Declaration of Independence marked the birth of the United States. But two essays of that era appealed even more directly to Americans’ feelings. In January 1776, Thomas Paine—a recent immigrant to America —published Common Sense. His straightforward argument upended the fraud of monarch. His words convinced Americans that the king had no divine right to rule them—they could rule themselves. He turned a rebellion over taxes and representation into a true Revolution.

Tom Paine’s War by Jack Kelly is a riveting exploration of our nation’s birth, showing how one man’s words—and the determination of American patriots—allowed our nation to survive its first crisis.

Amazon  |  Barnes & Noble  |  Bookshop

The Great Shadow by Susan Wise Bauer

Anti-science, anti-vaccine, anti-reason beliefs seem to be triumphing over common sense today. How did we get here? The Great Shadow brings a huge missing piece to this puzzle—the experience of actually being ill. What did it feel like to be a woman or man struggling with illness in ancient times, in the Middle Ages, in the seventeenth century, or in 1920? And how did that shape our thoughts and convictions?

The Great Shadow uses extensive historical research and first-person accounts to tell a vivid story about sickness and our responses to it, from very ancient times until the last decade.

Amazon  |  Barnes & Noble  |  Bookshop

Once There Was a Town by Jane Ziegelman

By the close of World War II, six million Jews had been erased from the face of the earth. Those who eluded death had lost their homes, families, and entire way of life. Their response was quintessentially Jewish. From a people with a long-history of self-narration, survivors gathered in groups and wrote books, yizkor books, remembering all that had been destroyed. Jane Ziegelman’s Once There Was a Town takes readers on a journey through this largely uncharted body of writing and the vanished world it depicts.

Amazon  |  Barnes & Noble  |  Bookshop

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Featured Excerpt: The Women’s Orchestra of Auschwitz https://www.thehistoryreader.com/historical-figures/featured-excerpt-the-womens-orchestra-of-auschwitz/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=featured-excerpt-the-womens-orchestra-of-auschwitz Wed, 17 Dec 2025 09:16:12 +0000 https://www.thehistoryreader.com/?p=11053 by Anne Sebba An instant USA Today bestseller, The Women’s Orchestra of Auschwitz by Anne Sebba is a vivid portrait of the disparate women who came together to form an orchestra in order to survive the horrors of Auschwitz. Read on for a featured excerpt! The success of the men’s orchestra, smaller than the big […]

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by Anne Sebba

An instant USA Today bestseller, The Women’s Orchestra of Auschwitz by Anne Sebba is a vivid portrait of the disparate women who came together to form an orchestra in order to survive the horrors of Auschwitz. Read on for a featured excerpt!


Auschwitz gate
Auschwitz’s main gate, bearing the motto “Arbeit Macht Frei” (Work makes one free). Public domain. Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.

The success of the men’s orchestra, smaller than the big symphony orchestra in Auschwitz I and known as the Lagerkapelle (or camp chamber ensemble) under Laks’s direction, was likely a major source of inspiration for Maria Mandl’s idea to develop a women’s orchestra. The Laks orchestra played in the men’s sector of Birkenau, known as B1b, and Mandl proposed that the women’s orchestra should be housed in a separate but nearby section known as B1a, which would similarly play marches for the female prisoners going out to work.

“I had to organize the orchestra under Mandl,” Helen “Zippi” Spitzer said in an interview in 2000, adding that “she noticed I’m an artist and a musician.”

Zippi’s comments are an interesting indication of the degree to which she had ingratiated herself with Mandl. She had a sure instinct of how best to survive the Nazi extermination system, deploying every aspect of her varied background and wide-ranging abilities to make herself indispensable to Mandl, who had the power of life and death over all the women prisoners. “Even she did not understand the system,” Zippi said of Mandl. “She wanted results. If she asked for 18 or 20 diagrams for Berlin she couldn’t care less when I did it, how I did it, as long as it was done.”

Once, when Zippi was ill with stomach cramps, she needed to lie on her bunk bed until they passed, a serious infringement of camp rules. Mandl found her there, but, instead of punishing Zippi, the normally brutal guard simply touched her gently on the forehead in a motherly way and allowed her to remain. “She knew I did my job and delivered and worked during the night sometimes. So I could have the day free,” Zippi explained in the same interview. “Some kommandos were protected…I didn’t investigate how I knew it. I just did.”

As soon as Mandl discussed her orchestra project, Zippi realized that her claim to be a “musician,” even though she could only play the mandolin to a basic level, would create further dependence. And in this way the ring of mutual manipulation tightened.

The Remains of Block 12. Photo by Anne Sebba.
All that remains today of Block 12, the musicians’ block, with the central pile of bricks that once provided a stove. Photo courtesy of Anne Sebba.

However, establishing an all-female orchestra was bound to be complicated, especially since the decision was not up to Mandl alone. First, she had to clear the project with a senior male SS camp official. In early 1943 she approached Paul Müller, camp director and number two to the commandant, who, fortunately for her, saw there were advantages as it simplified counting the rows of prisoners marching to work and made the imposition of faux military discipline easier. He agreed to help her with the paperwork that was necessary to propose the project to Rudolf Höss, overall commandant of the camp.

Zippi’s role in helping Mandl set up the women’s orchestra was in fact rather more ambiguous than she made it sound. Although Zippi explained that she had already been “very creative” in the camp drawing office and so now grabbed “the chance to talk about music and artistic things,” she nonetheless said that Mandl had initially turned to Katya Singer, a fellow Slovak Zippi had befriended on the journey to Auschwitz, for help with this venture and it was Katya who then approached Zippi. “The camp hierarchy wanted Katya, because she was the top administrative inmate at this time, to go with them to Auschwitz I and make contact with the men there partly to get instruments and partly to discuss procedures…But Katya did not understand music so she suggested I go in her place. So that was the beginning.”

Katya did not speak about the origins of the orchestra in her one known interview but spoke highly of Zippi as her assistant. “Zippi never did anything harmful to anyone. She was always straightforward with me.” In an earlier interview in 1983, Zippi described the origins of the orchestra slightly differently, omitting Katya’s initial role.

“[Mandl] was coming to our camp office and started to discuss how to go about it…we promised her we’d get professional musicians from the card index and if not we’d make inquiries.” Zippi was clearly keen to be involved: “I wanted the contact with the men,” she said, claiming later that she thought they would be a useful source of information for any resistance activities. She thus asked for permission to be included in the group that went to the men’s camp in Auschwitz I “to see how they did it.”

Zippi provided a slightly different version in 1982 of how the women’s orchestra began. “We wanted to see how the men functioned,” she said. “I had a dual role working with and reporting to Katya Singer on the negotiations with the men’s orchestra. They agreed to supply us with violins and all the necessary instruments in abundance. They had their own and there were thousands of instruments from all over Europe from deportees…even the sheet music they brought with them was used by the camp orchestras…after four weeks the orchestra had a barracks. It was Block 12.

In early 1943, while these preliminary discussions were continuing, a specially convened block leaders’ meeting in Birkenau announced the plan to start another orchestra, this time for female-only players. Hanna Szyller (later Palarczyk), deputy block elder in Block 12, attended the meeting and was in no doubt that the idea for an all-female orchestra originated from Mandl. Female block elders, the slightly privileged prisoners whose job was largely to maintain discipline and distribute food, were now instructed to seek out prisoners who could play instruments.

Among the first to volunteer immediately when she heard about the creation of the new orchestra was Zofia Czajkowska, a thirty-six-year-old Polish music teacher, who had arrived on April 27, 1942, from her hometown of Tarnów on the first Polish women’s transport to Auschwitz. Zofia had been tortured in prison before deportation and then spent a year at the camp assigned to the most exhausting physical labor. By early 1943 she was in a weak physical and mental state and saw the orchestra as possibly the only means of escaping from her plight.

The Women’s Orchestra of Auschwitz Copyright © 2025 by Anne Sebba. All rights reserved.


 

Anne Sebba
Photo credit: Serena Bolton

ANNE SEBBA is a prize-winning biographer, lecturer, and former Reuters foreign correspondent who has written several books, including That Woman and Les Parisiennes. A former chair of Britain’s Society of Authors and now on the Council, Anne is also a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Historical Research. She lives in London.

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Featured Excerpt: JFK: Public, Private, Secret https://www.thehistoryreader.com/us-history/featured-excerpt-jfk-public-private-secret/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=featured-excerpt-jfk-public-private-secret Fri, 12 Dec 2025 12:14:22 +0000 https://www.thehistoryreader.com/?p=11022 by J. Randy Taraborrelli J. Randy Taraborrelli shares with The History Reader an excerpt from his instant New York Times bestselling book, JFK: Public, Private, Secret. Read on to discover how Jackie’s parents and John’s parents felt about their budding relationship as well as early details on how John’s family supported his early political career. […]

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by J. Randy Taraborrelli

J. Randy Taraborrelli shares with The History Reader an excerpt from his instant New York Times bestselling book, JFK: Public, Private, Secret. Read on to discover how Jackie’s parents and John’s parents felt about their budding relationship as well as early details on how John’s family supported his early political career.


Jackie Bouvier and John F. Kennedy married in Newport, Rhode Island, on September 12, 1953.
Jackie Bouvier and John F. Kennedy married in Newport, Rhode Island, on September 12, 1953. Public domain. Courtesy of Wikimedia.

“The secret to happily-ever-after,” Janet Auchincloss had been preaching to Jackie and Lee ever since they were little girls, “is money and power.” She always believed she was entitled to affluence and security. Rose Kennedy felt the same way. Many women of that time, in fact, felt similarly even if, like Rose, they didn’t come right out and say it. While they dated and married with money and power in mind, to verbalize it would’ve been considered gauche, and certainly to explicitly pass it on to your daughters as a mandate, vulgar. They should learn by example, as Rose’s daughters did. With the exception of Rosie, all of them would marry men who had the potential to make a lot of money and be very powerful. The Kennedy girls would go into their marriages with their own wealth, unlike Jackie and Lee, who had no money of their own. Jack Kennedy met both of Janet’s standards, money and power. Her daughter could do a lot worse, and with John Husted, she would have. Therefore, JFK had Mummy’s approval, though she did have some reservations.

Janet knew her former husband, Jack Bouvier, and her father, Jim Lee, had strong feelings about Jack’s father, Joe. Jackie’s cousin John Davis explained: “In 1945, Jackie’s grandfather, Jim Lee, confided in Joe that he was about to invest in the Merchandise Mart in Chicago. That was prime real estate. Joe acted quickly and bought it for himself, thereby double- crossing Jim. Earlier, when Joe was chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission, his crackdown on the way certain stocks could be traded had decimated Jack Bouvier’s portfolio. ‘My father and ex-husband hate Jack’s father,’ Janet told Mrs. [Martha] Bartlett. ‘So?’ Mrs. Bartlett countered. ‘What’s that got to do with Jackie?’ Janet couldn’t disagree with that, I guess.”

Joe Kennedy had been impressed with Jackie when he first met her in Palm Beach in December 1951. Once he realized she might be a factor in their lives, he took it upon himself to look into her background. “He’d heard she was an heiress, but when he checked it out, he found it wasn’t true,” said his nephew Joey Gargan. “He also assumed she was mostly French, given her surname. In fact, he learned she was only about one-eighth French, no matter what her mother, who was mostly Irish, might claim. She had also said the Bouviers were descended from French aristocracy, which also wasn’t true.”

Joe Kennedy’s secretary, Janet DesRosiers, recalled, “Joe used to say, ‘It doesn’t matter who you are. It matters who people think you are.’ That was politics, after all. He decided to keep an eye on Jackie while also giving Jack the freedom to pursue her. After all, she was, by any measure, the perfect political wife on paper. We all saw that. She looked good on Jack’s arm. That mattered.”

At this same time, Jackie was given a promotion at the Times-Herald. Her “Inquiring Photographer” column would be known as the “Inquiring Camera Girl” and would carry her byline. While she was determined to continue working, she felt there was no reason she couldn’t also date Jack. However, their budding romance would be complicated by his workload as he traveled about and laid the groundwork for his Senate campaign. “It was a very spasmodic courtship,” she later said, “conducted mainly at long distance with a great clanking of coins in dozens of phone booths.”

On April 6, after assembling a crackerjack team to help him get to the finish line, Jack officially announced his Senate run. His team included Dave Powers from Boston, a loyal friend who’d been in charge of his congressional campaign. There was also Larry O’Brien, an experienced politico from Springfield, and Kenny O’Donnell, Bobby’s old college roommate, a fellow Irishman who had served in the Army Air Corps.

A big part of Kenny O’Donnell’s job would be taming Jack’s father, who was financing the whole operation but who everyone agreed had a damaged reputation and weak political instincts. Joe could be a bully, unreasonable, contentious, and prone to spreading conspiracy theories. On the plus side, he was a great media strategist, knew how to plant just the right stories at just the right times, and was able to secure the important endorsement of top newspapers, even if he had to pay for them. In a couple months’ time, he’d write a check for half a million dollars to get the support of the conservative Boston Post. Jack would say his father had to “buy the newspaper” to get such great backing. Joe had plenty of money and would spend as much as he needed to in order to see his son win. “Kennedys must win” was his philosophy, always. There had to be a way around him, however, in building the kind of statewide campaign necessary for Jack to win. Kenny had the smarts to figure it out, and a big part of how he did that was to pass the buck on to someone who had real influence over the patriarch: his son Bobby.

Twenty-six-year-old RFK knew that to control his father he needed to act as if he was seeking his approval when, actually, he was strategizing ways around it. Jack too often vehemently disagreed with their father, which always caused havoc, and Teddy, of course, was too young to be a factor. Bobby had turned pacifying the old man into a fine art; he’d been doing it all his life. When his two older brothers were off finding themselves, he was home sparring with Joe. Now, he would be used to tame him. Bobby would end up being a titanic force on Jack’s team, from this point forward . . . and all the way to the White House.

JFK: Public, Private, Secret © 2025 by J. Randy Taraborrelli. All rights reserved.


Photo credit: Ashton Bingham

J. RANDY TARABORRELLI is the acclaimed author of numerous New York Times bestsellers about the Kennedys, including Jackie, Ethel, Joan: Women of Camelot, adapted as a miniseries by NBC, and The Kennedys – After Camelot, adapted for television by Reelz. His other bestselling works include The Kennedy Heirs and Jackie, Janet & Lee. His most recent book, Jackie: Public, Private, Secret, debuted at No. 3 on the New York Times bestseller list. Taraborrelli is currently adapting both Jackie: Public, Private, Secret and JFK: Public, Private, Secret for television.

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Featured Excerpt: The Sea Captain’s Wife https://www.thehistoryreader.com/historical-figures/featured-excerpt-the-sea-captains-wife/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=featured-excerpt-the-sea-captains-wife Tue, 09 Dec 2025 09:14:38 +0000 https://www.thehistoryreader.com/?p=11041 by Tilar J. Mazzeo In The Sea Captain’s Wife, New York Times bestselling author Tilar J. Mazzeo reveals the true story of the first female captain of a merchant ship and her treacherous navigation of Antarctica’s deadly waters. Read on for a featured excerpt! This story begins in another place, another time, in a world […]

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by Tilar J. Mazzeo

In The Sea Captain’s Wife, New York Times bestselling author Tilar J. Mazzeo reveals the true story of the first female captain of a merchant ship and her treacherous navigation of Antarctica’s deadly waters. Read on for a featured excerpt!


Neptune's Car Clipper Ship.
Neptune’s Car Clipper Ship, 19th Century. Courtesy of Wikimedia. Public Domain.

This story begins in another place, another time, in a world of which only fragments remain. 

Close your eyes and imagine, first, a cold and angry emptiness. The emptiness roars around you. You are on a sea, hurtling where the wind and water take you. You fall and you rise in darkness. The falling is fast and unforgiving and twists your gut as you count the seconds downward. The rising is worse. The sea towers forty feet above you, and you know only the terror that comes before falling. 

Into this emptiness, build yourself a ship. A mighty, ghostly clipper. She is long and lean. Two hundred feet or more from bow to stern, painted coffin black to ride this darkness. You stand on her deck, held aloft with each angry swell by a million board feet of pitch pine laid out in planking, which moans and bends with the force of the ocean: her flesh and muscle. A forest of timber ribs is her backbone. Above this hull, three barren masts rise, a hundred feet above the sea. In fair winds, these ancient, empty trees are strung with 3,500 yards or more of crackling stiff canvas to carry you with unimagined speed around the globe and home again if you are lucky. This night, her yardarms are howling, empty crucifixes. This ship is Neptune’s Car—the mythic chariot of a jealous god of storm and sea. Her name: a tribute to appease a fickle master.

Let the globe of our world spin slowly. Set this chariot upon a point, a latitude, a longitude. Turn west to the New World. Follow the line south from New York City and south some more, past Brazil, to the very last reaches, a place called Tierra del Fuego, the land of fire. Put your finger somewhere in that furious passage, between the end of the Earth and the frozen land of ice, Antarctica. Here is our tempest. Trace your finger around the tip of the continent, westward again, past the fearsome headland of Cape Horn and then past Robinson Crusoe Island. Let your finger take you, following a point somewhere in the great Southern Ocean, back northward, up the coast of two continents, along the edge of the Pacific, until you reach San Francisco: your destination, the city of gold dust. 

We are on a dangerous journey. A journey in which wealthy shipowners pit young men against each other with the promise of riches, urging them on to reckless dangers, in the name of another man’s lucre. The year is 1856. The season is early September: just before spring in the southern hemisphere, too early for this voyage. Somewhere in the darkness, three other ships, our competitors, careen the waves with us. Not all of us will survive this journey. 

At the helm of our ship is a man, the captain, Joshua. He is twenty-nine, but his face is already weather-beaten and tired. The headaches blind him. He castigates himself now. He had misgivings before he saw this ship out of New York’s harbor. He has been ill. He feels his force draining. Sometimes there is a cough; sometimes a fever. He has stood on this deck, sleepless, vigilant, for eight days and nights fighting the blast and the water. At the ropes and in the rigging far above the twisting sea are his crew. Men and boys, barefoot on icy decks too slick for shoe leather. They, too, are frightened, tired. One among them, shackled in chains below these decks, is angry, vengeful.

There is a woman, too, the sole female inhabitant of this bark. She is small and plump, and her black, plaited hair cannot be contained in this tempest. She is the sea captain’s wife and just nineteen: Mary Ann. Her wide skirts and oilskin cloak, her only defense against a polar wind, disguise for the moment the warm, gentle swell in her belly. 

She wants desperately for them to win this race. The prize means, for her and Joshua, freedom. With this purse, with the sale of this cargo, destined to fuel a gold rush making more men rich in distant California, there will be enough. Enough to imagine a different future for them and their baby. Enough to buy a share of a ship and chart one’s own course. Enough, they said to each other when they dreamed, to build a little farm on their land in Maine, where the Weskeag River meets the sea and the salt marshes stretch beyond for many acres. 

But, first, they must survive. 

For eight days and nights Joshua has stood on the quarterdeck and fought the sea. In the gray half-light of the ninth morning, there is no fight left in him. He slips to the deck and lets the darkness take him. There is a cry from somewhere among the crew: “Captain!” In the shadows below the deck, the angry, vengeful officer waits, indignation swelling, also expectant. His eyes narrow. Mary Ann understands. There will be no safe harbor in San Francisco, no freedom, no farm running down to the banks of the Weskeag River unless she fights for them. 

This is the moment her story begins.

The Sea Captain’s Wife Copyright © 2025 by Tilar J. Mazzeo. All rights reserved.


Author Tilar J. Mazzeo
Photo Credit: Janis Jean

DR. TILAR J. MAZZEO is the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and San Francisco Chronicle bestselling author of numerous award-winning works of narrative nonfiction, including history and biography titles. Formerly the Clara C. Piper Associate Professor of English at Colby College and Professeur Associée in the Department of World Literatures at the University of Montreal, Dr. Mazzeo left the academy in 2019 to focus fulltime on writing. A fifth-generation sailor and tenth-generation Mainer (where the Patten story begins), she lives today on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, where, with her husband, she captains a Vancouver 42 offshore sailboat.

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The Curious Case of Nuremberg’s Hangman https://www.thehistoryreader.com/world-history/the-curious-case-of-nurembergs-hangman/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=the-curious-case-of-nurembergs-hangman Sun, 07 Dec 2025 12:36:51 +0000 https://www.thehistoryreader.com/?p=11037 by Tim Queeney In his book Rope, author Tim Queeney takes readers on a unique and compelling adventure through the history of rope and its impact on civilization. In the article below, Queeney takes a look at the Nuremberg executions during WWII, which rope played a critical role in as the men were executed by […]

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by Tim Queeney

In his book Rope, author Tim Queeney takes readers on a unique and compelling adventure through the history of rope and its impact on civilization. In the article below, Queeney takes a look at the Nuremberg executions during WWII, which rope played a critical role in as the men were executed by hangings.


In October 1946, the victorious World War II Allies were in need of a hangman. The 1945-46 International Military Tribunal convened by the British, Americans, Soviets and French at Nuremberg had resulted in death sentences for 12 of the highest-ranking Nazis, including Adolf Hitler’s one-time successor Herman Goering. Who would place the noose and throw the gallows lever? The man ultimately given the job turned out to be a curious choice.

View of the defendants in the dock at the International Military Tribunal trial of war criminals in Nuremberg, Bavaria, Germany. November 1945.
View of the defendants in the dock at the International Military Tribunal trial of war criminals in Nuremberg, Bavaria, Germany. November 1945. Public domain. Courtesy of Wikimedia.

The British executioner Albert Pierrepoint, an experienced hangman who had executed 15 German spies in Britain during the war, seemed the obvious candidate. Albert’s father Henry had been a hangman, along with his uncle Thomas. As a family-proud schoolboy, Albert had written of his wish to be a hangman, too. Pierrepoint was involved in his first execution in 1932 at age 27 when he assisted Thomas in the hanging of an Irish farmer charged with murdering his brother. During the war, Pierrepoint not only hanged spies but also American soldiers convicted of capital crimes in Britain.

U.S. Army Sergeant John C. Woods. Public domain.
U.S. Army Sergeant John C. Woods. Public domain.

Yet the job of dispatching the Nuremberg Nazis went to a boastful and inexperienced U.S. Army private from Wichita, Kansas, named John C. Woods. When he applied for the job of hangman in 1944, he claimed he had assisted in hangings in Texas and Oklahoma before the war, even though both states had switched to using the electric chair when Woods was still a child. The Army, evidently pleased that someone actually wanted the job, overlooked Woods’s inflated claims, made him hangman, and promoted him from private to master sergeant.

In 1944, Woods received some quick training at the Paris Disciplinary Training Center. Then while the war was still being fought on the western front, Woods executed more than 30 American soldiers convicted of various crimes.

For the October 1946 Nuremberg executions, Woods eschewed Pierrepoint’s accepted British method of the “long drop” in which the weight of the convicted was used to calculate a sufficiently forceful drop to ensure the neck was broken in the so-called “hangman’s fracture.” Woods also rejected the approach of employing a metal ring through which the rope was passed instead of the bulky hangman’s noose. Instead, Woods tied a traditional hangman’s knot. He later explained, “I like what I call the Thirteen Knot noose.” He used a separate rope for each execution, pre-stretching each one to make the sudden stop at the end of the rope more effective. There were claims that Woods botched the executions since almost all the Nazis died by strangulation, not by neck fractures. In addition, Woods further miscalculated and many of the men’s heads struck the platform as they fell through the trap door opening. Woods, who was unperturbed by his role—he ate a hearty dinner that night after it was done—remarked following the last drop, “Ten men in 103 minutes. That’s fast work.”

Following the executions, Woods claimed in an interview quoted in a 1950 Time magazine obituary that vengeful Germans attempted to poison him and that someone even took a shot at him in Paris. He said that he wore two 45 caliber pistols at all times. “If some German thinks he wants to get me, he better make sure he does it with his first shot because I was raised with a pistol in my hand.”

In 1950, Woods was serving with the Army’s 7th Engineer Brigade at Eniwetak Atoll in the Marshall Islands, in support of atomic bomb testing. Some of the scientists working on atomic weapons and rocketry programs were Germans who had been brought to the U.S. as part of Operation Paperclip, the effort to scoop up German scientists before the Soviets to ensure German technological secrets would be in American hands. On July 21, Woods was working on a set of lights while standing in a pool of water and was suddenly killed in what the Army later called an accidental electrocution. Some, including French MacLean, author of American Hangman, a 2019 biography of Woods, have suggested the possibility that Woods’s death was not an accident, that perhaps one or several of the Paperclip scientists exacted revenge for their countrymen hanged by Woods at Nuremberg.

Sources:

Queeney, Tim. Rope – How a Bundle of Twisted Fibers Became the Backbone of Civilization. New York, St. Martin’s Press. 2025

MacLean, French L. American Hangman: MSgt. John C. Woods: The United States Army’s Notorious Executioner in World War II and Nurnberg. Atglen, Pa.: Schiffer Publishing, 2019

From Nuremberg to Nineveh via Google Books. Retrieved Nov. 11, 2015

The Nuremberg Hangings—Not So Smooth Either via The New York Times.  Retrieved Nov. 11, 2025

Armed Forces: Hangman’s End via Time. Retrieved Nov. 11, 2025

Nazi Executioner from Wichita Found Fame, but Died His Own Mysterious Death via The Wichita Eagle. Retrieved Nov. 11, 2025


Photo credit: Molly Haley

Tim Queeney is the editor of Ocean Navigator, a magazine for offshore voyager. Tim’s work has appeared in Professional MarinerAmerican History, and Aviation History. He has had short stories published in the crime anthology Landfall, Best New England Crime Stories 2018 and in the speculative anthology A Land Without Mirrors. Tim lives in Cape Elizabeth, Maine, with his wife and a rescue dog, Frankie. A lifelong sailor, he teaches celestial navigation, radar navigation, and coastal piloting ashore—where he tied plenty of knots and handled many a rope.

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Featured Excerpt: Gemini https://www.thehistoryreader.com/us-history/featured-excerpt-gemini/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=featured-excerpt-gemini Fri, 05 Dec 2025 19:56:12 +0000 https://www.thehistoryreader.com/?p=11032 by Jeffrey Kluger Named by Time Magazine as one of the most anticipated books of fall 2025, Gemini by Jeffrey Kluger reveals the thrilling, untold story of the pioneering Gemini program that was instrumental in getting Americans on the moon. Read on for a featured, introductory excerpt! Like every man who had ever orbited the […]

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by Jeffrey Kluger

Named by Time Magazine as one of the most anticipated books of fall 2025, Gemini by Jeffrey Kluger reveals the thrilling, untold story of the pioneering Gemini program that was instrumental in getting Americans on the moon. Read on for a featured, introductory excerpt!


Like every man who had ever orbited the earth before them, Jim Lovell and Buzz Aldrin knew their lives depended on their retrorockets. The very purpose of the rockets was in the retro part of their name—to accelerate their spacecraft not forward but, in effect, backward, slowing the ship down and bleeding off speed, which was essential if Lovell and Aldrin were going to live another day after the ninety-four hours they’d already spent in space.

Orbiting the earth, after all, is effectively an act of falling around the earth—flying high enough and fast enough that even as your spacecraft speeds forward and downward, the surface of the planet curves away from you, meaning that while you fall and fall and fall and fall, you never, ever reach the ground. Like the moon, you become a stable satellite of the earth, staying aloft long after your water and air and power give out. So while Lovell and Aldrin had happily gone to space aboard their Gemini 12 spacecraft—the last of the Gemini program’s ten manned missions—they very much looked forward to turning their ship rump forward, firing their four retro-rocket motors, and subtracting enough speed from their 17,500-mile-per-hour velocity that gravity would have its way with them and they would begin a controlled plunge through the atmosphere.

On the afternoon of November 15, 1966, the men began the homecoming maneuver, facing their ship backward and bracing for the lifesaving engine burn.

“We are now one minute and eighteen seconds to retrofire,” announced Paul Haney, the voice of NASA, to the millions of Americans following the maneuver on live television. Eighteen seconds later, he added, “One minute on my mark. Mark!” Then, “Thirty seconds, mark!”

And finally, “Ten, nine, eight, seven, six, five, four, three, two, one, retrofire!”

In the spacecraft, Lovell and Aldrin felt four hard bumps and heard four loud bangs as the engines lit, slamming them with more than ten thousand pounds of thrust squarely in their backs.

“Retrofire!” Lovell, the commander, echoed.

“Holding it steady,” Aldrin answered.

The engines fired for just five seconds, but the physics and the arithmetic governing the maneuver meant that that was enough to send the astronauts on a controlled high dive through the steadily thickening air, which would cause temperatures of 3,000 degrees Fahrenheit to bloom across the heat shield at the bottom of their capsule. Less than half an hour later, they splashed down in the Atlantic Ocean, seven hundred miles southeast of Cape Kennedy in Florida, within sight of the prime rescue vessel, the USS Wasp.

“Son of a gun!” Aldrin exclaimed as the spacecraft slammed into the choppy Atlantic waters.

“Boy! Boy! Boy!” Lovell responded.

“Gemini 12, Houston,” called astronaut Pete Conrad, the capsule communicator in mission control, as TV cameras picked up the sight of the spacecraft. “Smile! You’re on the tube!”

Astronaut James Lovell is photographed inside his Gemini spacecraft during the Gemini-12 mission
Astronaut Jim Lovell is photographed inside his Gemini spacecraft during the Gemini-12 mission. Public domain. Courtesy of Wikimedia.

For the historical record, Lovell did smile and Aldrin did smile and America smiled too. Because with the successful splashdown of Gemini 12, the twenty-month Gemini program, which had seen the US launching men into space at the rate of one mission every eight weeks, during a stretch in which the much-feared Soviet Union had not succeeded in sending any cosmonauts aloft at all, had come to its triumphant end. In that twenty months, NASA and America had learned how to walk in space, to fly long-duration missions in space, to navigate in space, to rendezvous and dock with another vehicle in space—in short, to do every little thing it would be necessary to do if the US were going to meet the pledge the martyred president John Kennedy had made more than five years before: to have American boots on the moon before the end of the decade.

The gripping and glittery tale of the Gemini program—one defined by its successes, yes, but also by its tragedies and losses and deaths and near deaths—has never been fully told before. Americans know well the story of the Mercury program, when such Mount Rushmore names as John Glenn and Al Shepard and Gus Grissom and Wally Schirra made the nation’s first journeys in space. And the nation surely knows of the Apollo program, when human beings first ventured moonward.

But we know less about the story of the Gemini program—which gave us the likes of Lovell and Aldrin and Conrad and Neil Armstrong. That is not as it should be.

Over the arc of the last three generations, the adeptness of Gemini, the capabilities of Gemini, the mechanical genius of Gemini, not to mention the sublime skills of the men who piloted the Geminis, have had an outsize and often unappreciated impact on geopolitics, technology, and the fundamental science of space travel itself. It was the Gemini, certainly, that gave the US the cosmic edge over the Soviet Union in the original space race, contributing to a cascading series of economic, engineering, and political victories that helped bring the original Cold War to a peaceful end, with the West ascendant and the former Soviet Union consigned to history. 

It was the Gemini program that provided the glimmers of good—indeed, often dazzling—news during some of the darkest periods in America, in the midst of the bloody and riven 1960s, bringing not just the public but politicians together in the shared goal of making America the dominant power off the planet.

It was the Gemini program, too, that helped give rise to the global cooperation in space that exists today with NASA, the European Space Agency, the Canadian Space Agency, and more than fifteen nations collaborating not just aboard the International Space Station but in the new Artemis program, which aims to have boots back on the moon by the end of the 2020s. Every docking a SpaceX Dragon spacecraft makes with the space station, every space walk any astronaut from any nation takes, every step an Apollo astronaut took on the lunar surface, every one of the 135 space shuttle missions, every scientific experiment conducted aboard any active spacecraft flows directly and indirectly from lessons learned more than half a century ago when the very first Geminis with their very first astronauts made their very first flights into the void.

America and the world have overlooked Gemini too long, have forgotten its achievements too easily, have wrongly assigned it to the spot of forgotten middle sibling in the Mercury-Gemini-Apollo troika. But Gemini was one of the most thrilling and harrowing and uplifting exercises ever attempted in the history of space travel. I and others have told the story of the Mercury program. I and others have told the story of the Apollo program. With this book, I aim to tell an equally powerful story of the Gemini program and, in doing so, help complete the historical record.

PROLOGUE

Space Walk at the Brink: June 5, 1966

The last thing Tom Stafford wanted to do was cut Gene Cernan loose in space. Stafford liked Cernan; he had trained hard with Cernan. For more than a year, the two of them had worked together to get ready for their three-day flight of Gemini 9, and now, in early June 1966, they were actually aloft. But the business of cutting Cernan loose was all at once a very real possibility.

Stafford, the commander of the mission, was inside the spacecraft, buckled into his left-hand seat. Cernan, the junior pilot, was outside, dangling—actually spinning, tumbling, and flailing—at the end of a long umbilical cord, completely unable to control his movements, much less make his way back to the small open hatch on his side of the spacecraft and maneuver himself inside.

It was Deke Slayton, the head of the astronaut office, who first raised the possibility of what Stafford should do in a situation like this—and for Gemini 9, the warning seemed especially important, since the flight had been snakebit from the start. Just four months earlier, two good men—rookie astronauts both—had died a fiery death trying to get the mission off the ground. The next month, two other good men—Neil Armstrong and Dave Scott—had nearly lost their lives when their Gemini 8 spacecraft spun out of control 186 miles above the earth’s surface. Now it was Gemini 9’s turn, and NASA’s run of bad luck seemed to be continuing.

The Gemini 9 crew member Eugene A. Cernan.
The Gemini 9 crew member Eugene A. Cernan. Public domain. Courtesy of Wikimedia.

Twice, at the end of May, Stafford and Cernan had suited up and climbed into their spacecraft in preparation for liftoff, and both times, technical problems had caused the launch attempt to be scrubbed. It was before the second of those attempts, when Stafford and Cernan were still in their long johns, preparing to climb into their pressure suits, that Slayton appeared in the suit-up room. Completely ignoring Cernan—not even making eye contact with the rookie astronaut—he addressed Stafford.

“Tom,” he said, “I need to have a few words with you in private.”

Cernan looked at Stafford with a questioning expression, and Stafford merely shrugged in response. That hardly appeased Cernan. Yes, he was a first-timer in space, while Stafford had flown just six months before on the successful flight of Gemini 6. But the two men were now one crew, and anything that was said to the commander ought to be said to the pilot as well. That wasn’t what Slayton wanted, however. He escorted Stafford out of the room and in quiet tones laid down what was NASA’s life-and-death law.

Only once before, on the flight of Gemini 4 just a year earlier, had an American astronaut walked in space, and that had been merely a twenty-minute float outside the cabin door, with pilot Ed White slightly maneuvering himself this way and that with a handheld zip gun before hurrying back inside and sealing the hatch. Cernan’s space walk would be much more ambitious, lasting hours, with the astronaut climbing all over the spacecraft to deposit and collect experiment packages before making his way to the rear end of the ship where an astronaut maneuvering unit—an air force–built jet pack known as the AMU for short—was stowed. Cernan would be expected to climb into the backpack and fly free in space, connected to the ship only by a long, thin, nylon tether.

The entire exercise posed enormous risks, and Slayton was well aware of the mortal math involved in that.

Up to now, NASA had launched twelve crews of men into space—six aboard the one-man Mercury spacecraft, and six more so far on the first six Gemini flights, from Gemini 3 to Gemini 8—and all twelve of those crews had come home safely. NASA wanted to keep those numbers as close to perfect as possible. Sending two men into space aboard Gemini 9 and bringing two men home was the objective, of course. But if something happened to Cernan when he was free-floating outside—if he became incapacitated, unconscious, or was otherwise beyond rescue—Slayton would not stand for Stafford playing the hero, remaining in space with the cabin door open and dying along with his crewmate. In such a situation, Stafford was to disconnect the umbilical cord that linked his junior astronaut to the spacecraft, seal the hatch, and come home alone, leaving Cernan, a thirty-two-year-old naval aviator, to become nothing more than a lifeless satellite of the earth.

Cut him loose, Slayton said to Stafford. If it comes to that, cut him loose.

Stafford nodded his understanding, left Slayton, and returned to the suit-up room.

“What was that all about?” Cernan asked.

“Everything’s fine, Geno,” Stafford answered. “No big deal.”

But now, one week later, with the third attempt of the Gemini 9 launch having at last succeeded and the crew in orbit 194 miles above the earth, it was a very big deal indeed—with Cernan in very big trouble.

Certainly, Gene Cernan was accustomed to taking chances—especially when he was a younger man, living the hot-rod aviator life that every rookie naval pilot lived. Nine years earlier, in 1957, he was practicing bombing runs at Naval Air Station Miramar in San Diego, California. The drill called for him to buckle into the cockpit of his FJ-4B Fury with a dummy warhead strapped to the bottom of the jet.

His target was a 40-foot space on the ground, barely wider than the Fury’s 39.1-foot wingspan, marked on either side by 10-foot wooden poles driven into the earth. The goal: Approach the target at 300 knots—or 354 miles per hour—drop the simulated bomb near the ground, and then haul ass up and away at 500 knots—or 575 miles per hour—escaping the imaginary blast the dummy explosive would have unleashed if it had been real.

Cernan had flown the maneuver countless times, always successfully, but on one especially exuberant day, he decided to take his chances—flying faster and lower and more hotdoggedly than he ever had before.

His reasoning was simple: In a real shooting war, the faster and lower he flew, the less chance the Soviet enemy would have of spotting him on radar. So Cernan took off, and Cernan flew low and Cernan flew fast—so low and so fast that when he approached that 40-foot space, his 39.1-foot-wide airplane clipped one of the wooden poles, shaking and jolting the plane and emitting a loud cracking sound. The plane still flew, and Cernan managed to land it safely, but the moment he did, the ground crew rushed out to meet him. One of the plane’s gun turrets was filled with a solid cylinder of wood that had been jammed into it from the post. Worse, the plane had been torn open along its starboard side, with a long gash running from the nose all the way down to the wing. A little more ripping, a little more tearing, a little more violence from the hot dog flying, and Cernan would not have made it home at all that day. Later, he and his squadron mates joked about it over beers, but it was a shaken Cernan who drank and laughed that night. It was the last time the young flier would ever depart from flight rules and strict training protocols.

In preparing for his space walk, Cernan maintained that playit-straight attitude, spending scores of hours training in NASA’s weightlessness-simulating jet—a KC-135 cargo plane nicknamed the “vomit comet” because it would take trainee astronauts on flights that amounted to a long series of roller-coaster-like parabolic loops, with twenty seconds or so of zero-g occurring at the top of each parabola.

The drill involved practicing a spacewalking task in the twenty seconds of weightlessness you got, waiting out the next minute of full gravity as the plane dove to the bottom of its trajectory and climbed back up, then continuing your zero-g rehearsals in the next twenty seconds of over-the-top free float. It was a slow and painstaking way to learn to maneuver in weightlessness—and plenty of men did not make it through the day without the vomit part of the vomit comet name having its way with them. Cernan, once an aviator who liked taking risks, would be nowhere near as cavalier in practicing for what was only America’s second space walk—and its first truly ambitious one.

On Sunday, June 5, 1966, at 5:30 a.m. Houston time, two days after launch, Cernan began his space walk, or what NASA preferred to call, in the agency’s arid argot, his extravehicular activity—or EVA. The precise timing of the EVA was in some respects arbitrary, since there actually was no morning or night in spaceflight; the astronauts circled the planet every ninety minutes, experiencing sixteen sunrises and sixteen sunsets per day. So to keep things tidy, they set their watches by the time it was in Houston, where mission control was located. If it was 5:30 a.m. in southeast Texas, it was 5:30 a.m. aboard Gemini 9.

Cernan would need a long time to prepare for his EVA. The ground crew equipped him with an eleven-page checklist that covered everything from donning a chest pack, which would provide him with oxygen, power, and communications; to unstowing the twenty-five-foot umbilical cord that would keep him safely attached to the Gemini spacecraft; to pressurizing the modified EVA space suits both he and Stafford were wearing. Gemini astronauts who were flying missions in which no EVA was taking place could afford to wear lighter suits, since the cabin itself was pressurized, surrounding them with artificial atmosphere. But once the hatch was opened and Cernan exited, both men would be exposed to the hard vacuum of space, and that required more robust suits—seven layers thick.

Even before pressurizing his suit, Cernan found the umbilical cord almost impossible to manage in the weightless environment of the spacecraft. The infernal thing floated and twisted and tangled itself, resisting all of Cernan’s efforts to keep it rolled and controlled.

“Canary,” Stafford radioed down to the Canary Island tracking station, “you can inform Houston we’ve got the big snake out of the black box.”

Once Cernan and Stafford inflated their suits, things became even more difficult, involving both the challenge of maneuvering the snake and the simple matter of moving at all. As the suits were inflated to a pressure of 3.5 pounds per square inch, they hardened and stiffened, making maneuvering in them almost impossible. It took all of an astronaut’s strength merely to bend an elbow or flex a knee. For Stafford, this would present little problem, as he would remain seated inside the spacecraft throughout the EVA. For Cernan, who was supposed to maneuver balletically around the Gemini 9 spacecraft, it would be a different matter entirely.

Stafford depressurized the cockpit, matching the vacuum inside to the vacuum outside so that the hatch would not blow open and fly free from interior air pressure when it was unlatched. Then Cernan reached up to the hatch’s handle and tried to open it, but it wouldn’t budge.

“Man, the hatch is stiff,” he informed both Stafford and the ground.

Using both hands, and already struggling against the bulk and unmaneuverability of the suit, he managed to push the handle inch by inch—millimeter by millimeter, it seemed—until at last the hatch opened and the trace amount of air that remained inside the spacecraft breathed itself out and away. Before Cernan even exited the ship, he and Stafford had to deal with the routine business of throwing out a bag of trash—mostly empty food wrappers—that they’d accumulated during the two days they’d spent in space so far. Stafford passed the bag to Cernan, who heaved it weightlessly outside the open hatch.

“Okay, we’ve gotten rid of the garbage,” Stafford told the ground.

Now Cernan tentatively raised himself up, placed his feet on his seat, and stood in the open hatch. He gaped at what he saw. The twin windows in the Gemini spacecraft measured only six inches by eight inches, affording the astronauts enough of a view to conduct some narrow photo reconnaissance of Earth and maneuver their spacecraft throughout their orbits. But that peephole field of vision was nothing compared to what Cernan now had. Gemini 9 was flying over Baja California, and Cernan could see the blue of the water against the green-brown spit of land and the rusty red surface of the desert southwest stretching in all directions.

“Hallelujah!” Cernan exclaimed. “Boy, is it beautiful out here, Tom.”

“It sure looks pretty,” Stafford said, taking in the minimal view his little window afforded him.

“I’ll grab my Hasselblad and take a picture of that,” Cernan said, photographing the scene with the camera attached to the front of his suit.

Cernan’s first jobs, before he even emerged fully from the spacecraft, were to attach a movie camera on an external mount to film the EVA and install a mirror to the exterior of the ship so that Stafford could see him as he maneuvered around the spacecraft and retrieved a micrometeorite experiment that had been attached to the Gemini to measure the impact of microscopic space dust.

That job done, Cernan emerged fully from the spacecraft and prepared to make his way along its flank to its aft end, where the AMU was stowed and waiting for him. The journey along the Gemini, which measured only eighteen feet and five inches from bow to stern, proved to be well-nigh impossible. NASA and Cernan may have had their own ideas about how to maneuver at the end of a twenty-five-foot umbilical cord—and Cernan’s training in the vomit comet might have left him thinking he knew what he was doing—but Isaac Newton had his ideas too, and those prevailed. Every physical action Cernan took produced an equal and opposite reaction in the snake; if Cernan moved out, the snake pulled him in; if Cernan moved left, the snake flung him right.

The out-of-control motion radiated down to the spacecraft itself, which began yawing and pitching in response to the force. Such unwanted motion would have normally called for Stafford to fire his thrusters and stabilize the ship, but he dared not do that with Cernan outside, where the thruster exhaust could burn through his suit.

Instead, it was up to Cernan to stabilize himself. He grabbed for Velcro patches NASA had attached to the exterior of the spacecraft to help him gain his purchase, but the whipsawing of the umbilical cord proved more powerful than the hold the Velcro could provide. He also reached for handholds that had been installed on the exterior of the ship, but they had been placed multiple feet apart—the thinking being that Cernan would have an easy glide alongside the spacecraft and the handholds would be necessary only in an emergency. Instead, he continued flopping around at the end of the umbilical cord, utterly helpless to control his own motions. “You’re kind of rocking the boat,” Stafford radioed to Cernan from within the jerking Gemini. He then glanced at the mirror Cernan had installed and was alarmed at what he saw. “Looks like you’re upside down and have all sorts of snake around you,” Stafford said.

“I can’t get where I want to go,” Cernan answered. “The snake is all over me. It’s pretty much a bear to get at these things because the handrails are so far back.”

Finally, through a combination of extreme exertion, Newtonian dynamics, and no small amount of sheer dumb luck, Cernan managed to swing in the direction of the spacecraft, slam into its flank, and grab hold of one of the handrails. Now, at last, he got some additional help.

Toward the back end of the craft, NASA had attached a long cable running the rest of the way to the end of the craft that Cernan could grab on to, hand over hand. That, too, was exhausting work, as he could move only a few inches at a time before stopping and gathering in the snake to prevent it from yanking him away from his tenuous hold on the cable.

Cernan had been outside for more than an hour now, enough to move from the daytime side of Earth, where the temperature on him and the spacecraft was a blistering 270 degrees Fahrenheit, to the nighttime side, where it was a frigid -270 degrees Fahrenheit, and back to the sunlit side. His space suit was designed to keep the heat and cold within a survivable range, but all it took was a few degrees above or below that limit to cause him to feel a sweltering heat or a chilling cold. Sweat now began to pour down his face and sting his eyes—though he was helpless to wipe them since he was sealed inside his suit and helmet. Worse, his visor began to fog up from the dampness of the sweat, obscuring his vision.

On the ground, at a console in Houston, flight surgeon Charles Berry read Cernan’s heart rate at 155 beats per minute, or about what it would be if he were running up 120 stairs each minute.

Tom Stafford inside Gemini IX spacecraft. Public Domain. Courtesy of Wikimedia.
Tom Stafford inside Gemini IX spacecraft. Public Domain. Courtesy of Wikimedia.

“How are you doing now, Gene?” Stafford asked.

“Okay,” Cernan answered. “I’m going to slow down and take a rest.”

Cernan allowed himself to catch his breath and, he hoped, slow his heart, and then inch by inch, his visor running with condensed moisture, made his way semi-blindly to the back end of the spacecraft, where the AMU, which the air force engineers still expected him to don and fly, waited for him. But when he reached the aft of the ship, he encountered a nasty—and potentially deadly—surprise. That end of the spacecraft had been the part that was attached to the Titan II rocket that had blasted the crew into space; when the rocket separated just before the Gemini capsule reached orbit, it left a sawtooth, razor-sharp spear of metal behind, an obstacle Cernan would have to climb around without slicing open his suit and suffering an instant and fatal depressurization.

He reported the problem to Stafford and then, ever so carefully, negotiated that knife edge. When he had gotten past it, he tumbled gratefully into a recessed area at the back of the ship, where, with all his exertion, he fought his rigid suit and bent it into a position that would allow him to sit. He looked to his right, where the AMU was stowed— and he sighed at what lay ahead.

Flying the AMU meant more than just donning the backpack, firing it up, and taking off. Attached to the unit was a thirty-five-item checklist, each step of which had to be completed, in sequence, for the thing to fly. The first chore was to switch on the lights attached to the unit so that he could read the checklist. He threw the proper switch and only one of the little lamps worked. Squinting through the dim illumination and his sweat-covered visor, he did his best to follow the checklist, but the work of strapping into the contraption and configuring its controls was exhausting, and Cernan began to pant. On Berry’s screen in Houston, the astronaut’s heart rate now read 180 beats per minute.

Next, according to plan, Cernan disconnected from the umbilical cord that attached him to the ship and clipped on instead to one that was connected to the AMU. Immediately, to the flight surgeon’s alarm, the signal from the astronaut to the ground flickered out. Cernan’s heart could accelerate to the level of cardiac arrest and the Houston doctor would never know it. And his heart was accelerating indeed as the unfiltered sun poured over him and the recessed metal skillet that was the rear of the spacecraft.

“We’re really cooking back here,” Cernan gasped.

From Stafford’s window, he could see that Gemini 9 was approaching another sunset. “Okay, Gene,” he said. “Nighttime coming your way shortly.”

But nighttime, Cernan suspected, would only present another problem, and he was right. No sooner did the spacecraft move into the shadowed part of the earth and the temperature drop to -270 degrees than the sweat that covered his visor froze over, blinding him completely.

Cernan leaned forward, rubbed his nose against the inside of the visor, and opened a tiny hole in the ice. He could see the lights of Australia beneath him.

“How are you doing, Geno?” Stafford asked.

“Really fogged up here,” Cernan said, continuing to work as well as he could through the AMU checklist. The same poor connection to the AMU that was preventing data from Cernan’s biomedical sensors from reaching the ground also now disrupted the communications between the two astronauts.

“Can you see anything, Geno?” Stafford asked. “Can you understand me? Geno? Geno? Yes or no?”

Cernan responded, but whatever he was saying was unintelligible.

Stafford contemplated his and his pilot’s options. Another daytime was soon approaching, which would cook Cernan again, followed by another nighttime, which would freeze his visor solid once more. Cernan could not maneuver with the main umbilical cord, much less, Stafford guessed, with the untested AMU, and every additional minute he remained outside was another minute of mortal danger.

That, for Stafford, was it. He knew Cernan and, after training with him for more than a year, understood the man’s mettle. Cernan would keep working back there, with his vision gone, his heartbeat triphammering, a razor-like piece of metal threatening to tear his suit open wide, the light and shadow of the day and night tormenting him, all the while trying to fly the air force’s cursed AMU if it killed him—which it might.

As commander of the ship, Stafford had the authority to make any decision that concerned the conduct of his mission and the welfare of his crew, even if the flight controllers on the ground didn’t agree. The EVA, he decided, was over.

“Okay,” he said, partly to Cernan and partly to the ground. “No-go. The link is terrible. Did you understand? Geno? Do you hear me? I said no-go. We’re aborting.”

Cernan did hear him. He released a long breath—both with relief and with trepidation. Aborting the EVA was easy enough. Making his way blindly back around the jagged metal shard, moving along the side of the Gemini—finding the handholds and Velcro and the ship’s aft cable without the benefit of vision, all the while battling to keep his heart rate under control—was no small matter. Then, too, there was the matter of folding himself back inside the tiny seat of his little spacecraft and getting the hatch closed while wearing a space suit that kept him as rigid as a mannequin. Gene Cernan had left Gemini 9 to walk in space.

If his suit tore or he became incapacitated or he could not reenter the ship at all, there was no guarantee that walk would ever end.

“I don’t think I’ll make it that way,” Cernan said, flicking his unseeing eyes back around the rear end of the ship toward the front. But that way, as both astronauts knew, was the only way. The comment was all Cernan said that sounded like surrender—but it was enough.

Stafford heard the transmission clearly and nodded silently and somberly. Inside his head, Slayton’s words echoed hauntingly. Cut him loose.

Start listening to an audio excerpt of Gemini!


Gemini copyright © 2025 by Jeffrey Kluger. All rights reserved.


Jeffrey Kluger
Photo credit: Shaul Schwarz

Jeffrey Kluger is Editor at Large at Time, where he has written more than 45 cover stories. Coauthor of Lost Moon: The Perilous Voyage of Apollo 13, which was the basis for the movie Apollo 13, he is also the author of 13 other books including his latest book Gemini: Stepping Stone to the Moon, the Untold Story.

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Featured Excerpt: Progress https://www.thehistoryreader.com/world-history/featured-excerpt-progress/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=featured-excerpt-progress Tue, 02 Dec 2025 12:00:39 +0000 https://www.thehistoryreader.com/?p=11020 by Samuel Miller McDonald In Progress: How One Idea Built Civilization and Now Threatens to Destroy it, author Samuel Miller McDonald offers a bold, provocative, wide-ranging argument about the human idea of progress that offers a new vision of our future. Read on for a featured excerpt in which McDonald deconstructs a letter written by […]

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by Samuel Miller McDonald

In Progress: How One Idea Built Civilization and Now Threatens to Destroy it, author Samuel Miller McDonald offers a bold, provocative, wide-ranging argument about the human idea of progress that offers a new vision of our future. Read on for a featured excerpt in which McDonald deconstructs a letter written by former U.S. president to show the idea of progress.


Ancient civilization
A history of the ancient world, 1904. Courtesy of Wikimedia. Public Domain.

“Let the philosophical observer commence a journey from the savages of the Rocky Mountains eastwardly toward our seacoast. These he would observe in the earliest stage of association, living under no law but that of nature . . . He would next find those on our frontiers in the pastoral state, raising domestic animals . . . and so in his progress he would meet the gradual shades of improving man until he would reach his, as yet, most improved state in our seaport towns. This, in fact, is equivalent to a survey, in time, of the progress of man from the infancy of creation to the present day. And where this progress will stop no one can say. Barbarism has, in the meantime, been receding before the steady step of amelioration, and will in time, I trust, disappear from the earth.”

This passage is from a letter Thomas Jefferson wrote in 1824, two years before his death and forty-one years after the end of the American Revolutionary War. Jefferson was the United States’ third president and one of the country’s most important Founders. This short text illuminates both the spiritual foundation of the country and the idea at the heart of this book. So let’s deconstruct it.

If you were to travel from the Rocky Mountains in the west to the Atlantic coastline in the east, Jefferson suggests, the land you would pass through and the buildings dotted along your road would appear as they had at earlier points in human history, as if you were traveling along not just miles but centuries. Your journey would reflect the passage of time, the progress made by European settlers since they reached the East Coast of North America. In other words, by “savages . . . living under no law but that of nature,” Jefferson means that at the Rockies there would be ancient wilderness housing violent fur-clad people without society who foraged for food and shelter, and dangerous beasts, representing life in humanity’s earliest years. By the time you reached what are now the Midwestern states, you would find early agricultural societies, flocks of sheep, herds of cattle, and rows of corn and wheat surrounding simple towns and villages. Finally, reaching the end of your mirror-image quest of American westward frontier expansion, arriving in Washington, DC, New York City, or Boston, you would find the as-yet “most improved state” of human beings and their societies: laws, dense cities, bustling trade, and sophisticated technology. There, you could rest assured that such developments would continue into a bright future. What Jefferson is sketching out is a grand narrative in a specific tradition that can be best captured in one word: progress.

Pick up any crime novel and you are likely to find a narrative formula. The details may change from story to story, but the general structure stays the same: a crime is committed, a detective begins the process of finding and piecing together clues, and the story culminates with the crime solved and the criminal brought to justice. Like crime novels, narratives of progress follow their own formula. This excerpt from Jefferson’s letter offers an ideal distillation of that formula. Though the details have changed through time, from culture to culture, the formula’s essential elements have remained remarkably consistent over not just centuries, but millennia.

The formula starts in the dark and wild beginning of humanity and moves forward and upward into a superior, more refined present, through changes that compound over time, culminating in some still vague, ever-future paradise. The story always parcels its characters into a binary, splitting those deemed civilized from the savage, the heathen from the blessed, the wild from the domesticated, the developed from the undeveloped. There is almost always some kind of frontier space, physical or metaphorical, into which the blessed must enter. The salvation awaiting in the future is set aside for the chosen, but only if they remain obedient to this quest, or, rather, to those leading it.

This narrative formula has served as the intellectual foundation on which Western civilization itself has grown and spread. The American sociologist Robert Nisbet, the last author to publish a broad historical account of the idea of progress, wrote of the concept in 1980: “No single idea has been more important in Western civilization for nearly three thousand years.”

The narrative formula of progress has been important for even longer than that, across many geographies and cultures. It has been important to how countless people over the last five thousand years have understood their place in the cosmos, the timeline reaching back to the beginning of all things and forward to the end of all things. It has been important to how armies are motivated, slaves and peasants are placated, gods invented, and emperors unleashed. The formula has been foundational to those who have made major scientific discoveries or peeked beyond the planet’s atmosphere, but also to those who have waged world wars and enslaved masses. Tracing the lineage of this narrative, we can not only see the evolution of an idea, but also understand more clearly the process that created a certain kind of society that we call civilization, an anomaly that was sparked first in one place, and has since burned across time, peoples, and far stretches of the earth. Though two hundred years old now, Jefferson’s letter appears in the latter part of this history. His worldview was grown out of a lineage that stretched back nearly five millennia, to the world’s earliest civilization in Mesopotamia. But that tradition did not end with Jefferson. The progress formula still occupies a central place in societies and minds all over the world. It remains the default, subconscious framework by which most of us understand our place in our species’ history and our societies’ trajectories through time, and thus by which policies are decided and enacted. It remains the foundation on which we are currently building the future.

Start listening to an audio excerpt of Progress!

Progress Copyright © 2025 by Samuel Miller McDonald. All rights reserved.


Samuel Miller McDonald

Samuel Miller McDonald is a geographer focusing on human-ecology, theory, and history. He holds a doctorate from Brasenose College, University of Oxford and degrees from Yale University and College of the Atlantic. He has written essays and analysis for The Nation, The Guardian, The New Republic, Current Affairs, Boston Review, and elsewhere, and has contributed interviews to BBC Ideas, VICE News Tonight, and various radio and podcast programs. Progress is his first book.

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